Open Letter to the United States Embassy on U.S. Involvement in Haiti
To the Honorable Representatives of the United States Embassies in the Caribbean:
November 18, 2024
The core principle of the 1951 Convention on Refugees is non-refoulement, which asserts that a refugee should not be returned to a country where they face serious threats to their life orfreedom. This principle was expanded by the 1967 Protocol Relating to the Status of Refugees, which was signed by the United States, and which broadened the scope of the 1951 Refugee Convention to apply globally to refugees from events both before and after 1951.
On September 19, 2016, the United Nations General Assembly unanimously adopted the New York Declaration for Refugees and Migrants. The New York Declaration reaffirms the importance of the international refugee regime and contains a wide range of commitments by Member States to strengthen and enhance mechanisms to protect people on the move. It has paved the way for the adoption of two new global compacts in 2018: a global compact on refugees and a global compact for safe, orderly, and regular migration.
However, this global consensus on humanitarian principles sharply contrasts with the persistent reality of U.S. foreign policy in Haiti. This dissonance prompts urgent reflection on the United States’ role in undermining Haiti’s sovereignty and stability, as highlighted in our call to action.
We, the undersigned, write as dedicated citizens, advocates, and steadfast allies of the Haitian people, compelled by deep concern over the United States’ persistent orchestrating interference and undermining of Haiti’s political and social fabric. This letter is a call to action—a profound appeal for the U.S. to reconsider its approach to Haiti and to acknowledge the extensive harm that both past, present, and ongoing U.S. interventions have inflicted on this resilient nation.
Many Americans may not fully appreciate the profound impact of Haiti’s 1804 revolution on the United States and the wider Americas. America’s history is, in fact, deeply intertwined with Haiti’s. The Louisiana Purchase of 1803—a landmark agreement with France—came directly in the wake of Haiti’s victory over Napoleon Bonaparte’s forces. Haiti’s successful defense against Napoleon in Haiti (then St. Domingue) compelled him to abandon his ambitions in the Western Hemisphere, prompting the sale of the Louisiana Territory to Thomas Jefferson. This vast territory, covering what are now parts of seven U.S. states, doubled the size of the United States, adding over a third of its current land area.
Haiti’s struggle for self-determination has, for centuries, been compromised by repeated occupations and interventions led by the U.S. and its allies. Persistent external pressures, dominated by U.S. influence, have impoverished Haiti’s population, destabilized its institutions, and weakened its democratic foundations. From the U.S. occupation of 1915-1934 to enduring economic and political interference, Haiti has been subjected to policies that have stunted its development, fostered violence, forced displacement, and deepened economic despair. For instance, the influx of U.S. products into Haitian markets has devastated local agriculture, leading to the extermination of resilient native pig breeds, the destruction of domestic rice production, and the displacement of farmers, which has further exacerbated food insecurity—a crisis with far-reaching impacts on Haiti’s economy.
Further compounding Haiti’s plight is the flow of arms from the U.S. into the hands of paramilitary death squads. These weapons perpetuate a harrowing cycle of violence, empowering so-called “gangs” that function as death squads terrorizing communities through murder, sexual violence, theft, and the forceful occupation of Haitian homes. This arms trafficking has intensified the suffering of already vulnerable populations, particularly women and children, entrenching fear and instability.
In 2022, the United Nations adopted Resolution 2653, establishing a sanctions regime against individuals and entities undermining Haiti’s peace and stability, including asset freezes and travel bans. Yet, U.S. sanctions remain inadequate and ineffective, especially in cases like that of Guy Philippe. Philippe, a former Haitian police commander and politician, was extradited to the United States in 2017 for money laundering linked to drug trafficking. After serving his sentence, he was repatriated to Haiti in November 2023, sparking widespread concern about his influence on Haiti’s already fragile political landscape. Philippe is not the only one. Figures like Jimmy Cherizier, known as Barbecue, and Emmanuel Constant, nicknamed “Toto,” have also contributed to the destabilization of Haiti. Constant founded FRAPH, a Haitian death squad that terrorized supporters of exiled president Jean-Bertrand Aristide, and Barbecue is the contemporary gangster in the pocket of the United States, as he has recently publicly boasted.
The legacy of U.S. and its allies’ foreign intervention has left a trail of political disorder, economic distress, and social insecurity in Haiti. These external pressures, culminating in open warfare against the Haitian people, have created significant barriers to Haiti’s progress as a sovereign nation striving to return to self-determination. Recent actions—such as deploying Kenyan police forces to Haiti, a nation with only recent diplomatic ties to Haiti—signal an alarming disregard for the Haitian people’s agency and self-determination. The U.S.-led decision to impose foreign forces, supposedly to manage Haiti’s internal affairs, not only undermines Haiti’s sovereignty but dismisses the Haitian people’s right to self-governance and independent problem-solving.
As advocates for justice and democratic integrity, we cannot stand silent. This constant occupation of Haiti undermines and demoralizes the Haitian population and contradicts the stated democratic principles that the United States claims to champion globally. We call on the U.S. to respect Haiti’s sovereign right to self-governance and cease these damaging interventions. We are urging the U.S. to forge a new path—one that truly supports the right of the Haitian people to democratic government and nurtures an equitable and mutually respectful relationship with Haiti.
Haiti, a symbol of resilience, determination, and dignity for Afro-Caribbeans and descendants of enslaved Africans worldwide, deserves the chance to thrive under its own vision and leadership. We urge an end to U.S. interference and a shift toward support for Haitian-led initiatives aimed at stability and democratic growth. Only by respecting Haiti’s autonomy can the nation achieve lasting peace, independence, and prosperity on its own terms.
Sincerely,
1) Danuta Radzik – Haiti Support Group -Guyana
2) Charlene Wilkinson – Haiti Support Group- Guyana, University of Guyana
3) Vanda Radzik -Rights Advocate – Guyana
4) Nigel Westmaas, Haiti Support Group – Guyana, USA/Guyana
5) Elton McRae – Haiti Support Group – Guyana
6) Janette Bulkan – Guyanese citizen
7) Jocelyn Dow – Guyana
8) Red Thread – Guyana
9) Karen de Souza – Concerned Citizen Guyana
10) Ayo Dalgety Dean – Guyana
11) Melinda Janki -Justice Institute Guyana inc.
12) Akola Thompson – MSc Livelihood and Gender Specialist
13) Frederick Collins – Director, Transparency Institute Guyana Inc (TIGI)
14) Jeremy Peretz, University of Guyana
15) Alfred Bhulai
16) Vidyaratha Kissoon – Citizen Guyana
17) Josephine Whitehead- Attorney -at-Law
18) Myrtha Desulme – President, Haiti-Jamaica Society
19) Joan Joy Grant Collins – Gender and Development Activist & Volunteer Coordinator of
Caribbean Women Organizations & Women
20) Nesha Haniff
21) Linnette Vassell- Gender Justice Advocate
22) Alissa Trotz – Canada/Guyana
23) Ian Robertson, Linguist, Guyana/Trinidad
24) Paul Ward -Caribbean Labour Solidarity, Campaign for Social Justice & Economic
Justice (Jamaica), Peoples’ Anti-Corruption Movement (Jamaica)
25) Hollis France- College of Charleston
26) Judith Wedderburn – Gender and Human Rights Activist
27) Mariama Williams – Integrated Policy Research Institute
28) Luke Daniels – President of Caribbean Labour Solidarity Group (CLS)
29) Tamanisha John – York University, Canada/Caribbean
30) United Black Association for Development Educational Foundation (UEF) Belize
31) Belizean Rural Economic Development of Agriculture Through Alliance (B.R.E.D.A.A.),
Belizean Diaspora
32) Ozzi Warwick – General Secretary Joint Trade Union Movement (JTUM), Chief
Education & Research Officer Oilfield Workers’ Trade Union (OWTU)
33) Marion Bethel
34) Aisha Walters – Canada/Caribbean
35) Alina Brefo – Canada/Caribbean
36) Sade Petlele – Canada/Caribbean
37) Acacia Galvez Pozo – Canada/Caribbean
38) Sarah Deforest – Canada/Caribbean
39) Natalie Escalante- Canada/Caribbean
40) Karan Hinds – Canada/Caribbean
41) Adrianna Escalante – Canada/Caribbean
42) Jamie Pasquale – Canada/Caribbean
43) Hilary Fong- Canada/Caribbean
44) Mikael Jagan- Canada/Caribbean
45) Carolyn T. – Canada/Caribbean
46) Chantal Persaud – Canada/Caribbean
47) Alicia Simmons – Canada/Caribbean
48) Mathura Mahendren – Canada/Caribbean
49) Vlad Mitchell Olez – Canada/Caribbean
50) K. Ferril – Canada/Caribbean
51) Nadine Woods – Canada/Caribbean
52) Lorena Woods – Canada/Caribbean
53) Iqbat Noor – Canada/Caribbean
54) Umar Corion – Canada/Caribbean
55) Beverley Mullings – Canada/Caribbean
56) Joe Patemon – Canada/Caribbean
57) Daigo Galvez Pozo – York University Canada/Caribbean
58) Sumia Ali -Canada/Caribbean
59) Diane Roberts, Concordia University, Montreal. Canada/Caribbean
60) John Mussington, Barbuda
61) Pierre Labossiere
62) Haiti Action Committee
63) Naomi Coke, Jamaica
64) Margaret Prescod
65) Global Women’s Strike
66) Women of Colour/GWS
67) Ryan Napoli, The Activist News Network
68) Vanessa Austin, USA/Puerto Rico
69) Gerald Horne, Historian, USA
70) Selma James
71) Andy Knight, Canada/Caribbean
72) Maggie Schmeitz – Ultimate Purpose
73) Ye-Kengale, Musician, Jamaica
74) Wilton Griffith, Guyana
75) Brian Shuffler, USA/Guyana